Yesterday, I attended a talk by Zach Wahls at the Octopus in Cedar Falls. Zach is running for the U.S. Senate as a Democrat, and many people will recognize him from the speech about his family that first brought him into national politics.
I went in as a persuadable voter — not looking to cheer or jeer, but trying to understand how Democrats plan to win competitive general elections in places like Iowa. I agree with Zach on some important issues, especially his opposition to members of Congress trading individual stocks and his support for term limits. Those positions signal seriousness about institutional integrity, and they’re part of why I’m paying attention.
At the same time, I left with unresolved questions about strategy, coalition-building, and whether the Democratic Party is learning the right lessons from recent losses. The letter below is something I decided to write — and share publicly — because I suspect many moderate voters are wrestling with similar thoughts but don’t often articulate them clearly.
This isn’t an attack, and it isn’t an endorsement. It’s a good-faith attempt to ask whether the path Democrats are on is actually capable of winning broad support — and whether candidates inside the party see the same risks that voters outside its core increasingly do.
What follows is the letter I wrote to Zach after the event.
Zach,
I appreciated you taking the time to speak yesterday at the Octopus in Cedar Falls. I also want to say up front that this note is coming from a place of genuine engagement, not opposition. I’m thinking seriously about this race and about what it will actually take to win it.
As I listened, I kept coming back to a concern I’ve had for a while — one I’ve written about privately — which is some version of: what got us here may not get us there.
Before your presentation even began, a moment stood out to me. Right when you walked in, a question was posed from the back of the room asking why Democrats don’t simply double down on “Democratic things.” I understand the instinct behind that question, but to me it highlights a deeper strategic tension. You’re in a real conundrum: you need to demonstrate to primary voters that you’re Democrat enough, while also maintaining enough appeal to win people who don’t already identify with the party.
I was sitting right next to the person who asked that question, and I immediately asked the opposite — why Democrats don’t spend more time appealing to a broader coalition. I understand there wasn’t time to fully respond, but that exchange stuck with me because it captures a real strategic tension in this race.
That connects to a broader issue I see among moderate voters like myself. Even when intentions are good, the perception of cultural overreach — often grouped under labels like “wokeness” or DEI maximalism — has become a real barrier for a lot of people in the middle.
I do think it’s fair to say that some parts of your story and political origins are perceived as culturally radical by a meaningful share of voters — regardless of intent. Your family background and the speech that launched you into politics are powerful and authentic, but they also place you squarely inside a set of cultural debates that many moderate voters experience as polarizing. That doesn’t negate your message, but it does raise the bar on how deliberately you have to signal openness, restraint, and pluralism to people outside the Democratic base.
One book I’d genuinely recommend, if you haven’t read it, is What’s Our Problem? by Tim Urban. He’s not a radical-right figure, and the book isn’t a polemic. But he does a good job explaining why a growing number of people perceive illiberal pressure from the left — especially in cultural and institutional spaces — as a larger threat than they expected. Even if you disagree with his conclusions, I think it’s useful for understanding how that perception forms outside typical political bubbles.
Related to that, I think moderation and clarity in a few areas could meaningfully expand the Democratic coalition: credible immigration enforcement, a more serious posture toward persistent deficits, and cultural signaling that reassures voters you’re focused on governing a pluralistic society rather than enforcing ideological conformity.
I also want to be clear about areas where I strongly agree with you. Your opposition to stock picking by members of Congress and your support for term limits both genuinely resonated with me, and they’re part of why I’m taking your candidacy seriously. Those positions signal seriousness about institutional integrity, not just partisan alignment.
One final observation: while attacking Trump aligns with Democratic talking points, it hasn’t proven to be a compelling affirmative case for persuadable voters in the middle. Democrats need to seriously reckon with the fact that the party has now lost two presidential elections to Trump — arguably one of the weakest general-election candidates in modern history. In both cases, the losses weren’t just about Trump’s strength, but about Democrats running candidates selected through processes that many voters experienced as undemocratic or disconnected from broad enthusiasm. Hillary Clinton emerged from a system dominated by superdelegates when a more populist alternative clearly resonated, and Kamala Harris was ultimately elevated without a competitive primary despite widespread unpopularity. I hope this is something you can see clearly from within the party — and that you’re actively working to fix rather than repeat it.
I say all of this as a 37-year-old moderate who doesn’t feel firmly claimed by either party and who is still very much listening. I want to understand how you see the coalition that actually gets you to 50%+1 in Iowa — and how you plan to persuade people who aren’t already convinced.
Thanks again for taking the time to speak and for engaging with people who are thinking through these questions rather than cheering reflexively.



